The Process of Centralization (1930-1991)

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The Period of Written Constitutions in Ethiopia

For a constitution to work well, it should reflect the people's values, give legitimacy to the government, and direct how power is exercised. Unfortunately, Ethiopia’s constitutions have struggled to meet these ideals.

In 1930, Emperor Haile Selassie introduced a new era with the 1931 Constitution. While it emphasized his power as "Elect of God, King of Kings of Ethiopia," it also began to reduce the influence of the nobility, who traditionally balanced royal power. Haile Selassie aimed to modernize Ethiopia, drawing on the example of Japan. This constitution began a long process of centralizing power, which continued under his rule and later under the military government, creating tensions between the central government and regional leaders.

The 1931 Constitution, though short with 55 articles, centered on the emperor’s power. It established that only Haile Selassie’s line could rule and gave him complete control over the executive branch and legislative oversight. While two advisory legislative bodies were created, they had limited power. In reality, the emperor held the ultimate authority in both the central and regional governments.

The Revised Constitution of 1955

In 1955, Haile Selassie updated the constitution to reinforce his authority further. The new document clarified his power over the military, foreign affairs, and local administration, while also promising citizens civil and political rights. In theory, this constitution was supreme even over the emperor, and it promoted a structure of checks and balances; however, in practice, the emperor maintained his absolute authority.

A significant change was that the Chamber of Deputies was now elected by the people, though it was limited in power. Ministers answered only to the emperor, and the nobility continued to resist land reform, making change difficult. Critics argue that this constitution reinforced authoritarianism, despite its claims to democracy. Even attempts in the 1960s to shift more power to the Prime Minister were superficial, and real authority remained with the emperor.

The Ethio-Eritrean Federation (1952-1962)

In 1952, Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia under UN guidelines. Though the Eritrean Constitution allowed autonomy in many areas, the Ethiopian government saw Eritrea more as a regional entity than a true federal partner. Over the years, Eritrean autonomy was reduced, leading to resistance. This setup did not align with federal principles, contributing to long-term conflict, ultimately leading to Eritrea’s independence after years of struggle.

The Military Era and the 1987 Constitution

By the 1970s, Ethiopia faced rising opposition, including an attempted coup in 1960. In 1974, a series of protests and strikes led to a revolution, and the Derg, a military committee, took control. The Derg implemented significant reforms, including land reform in 1975 that abolished private land ownership. However, its rule became known for its repressive measures, especially during the Red Terror, targeting opposition forces.

In 1987, the Derg introduced a new constitution creating the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. Though the constitution promised autonomy for ethnic groups, the central government retained strict control, undermining the idea of genuine autonomy. The Constitution was criticized for enforcing a one-party system led by the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia, with real power concentrated in the hands of President Mengistu Hailemariam.

The Transitional Government (1991-1994)

The Derg regime fell in 1991, and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took power. A transitional government was established, involving many political groups. The Transitional Charter promised nationalities the right to self-administration, aiming to decentralize Ethiopia’s government structure.

The Charter led to the establishment of regional governments, allowing local governance for ethnic groups. The transitional period saw Ethiopia’s shift from a unitary to a federal system, based on ethnicity. However, when opposition parties like the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) withdrew, it became clear that the EPRDF was the dominant force, and power-sharing did not fully materialize.

Summary and Implications

Ethiopia’s constitutional history reveals an ongoing struggle between centralization and the need for regional autonomy. Despite efforts to decentralize power and recognize ethnic diversity, true federalism has been challenging to implement. The idea of a “winner-takes-all” system has often dominated Ethiopian politics, but building a government that includes all groups remains essential for lasting stability.